Author Taylor Zachary

1850. Taylor died of acute gastroenteritis just 16 months into his term. He was succeeded by the then Vice President Millard Fillmore. Zachary Taylor was born on a farm[2] on November 24, 1784, in Orange County, Virginia, to a prominent[3] family of planters.[4] He was the youngest of three sons in a family of nine children.[2] His father, Richard Taylor, had served with George Washington during the American Revolution.[3] Taylor was a descendent of William Brewster, one of the Pilgrims; James Madison was Taylor's second cousin, and Robert E. Lee was a kinsman.[5] During his youth, he lived on the frontier in Louisville, Kentucky, residing in a small cabin in a wood during most of his childhood, before moving to a brick house as a result of his family's increased prosperity.[4] He shared the house with seven brothers and sisters, and his father owned 10,000 acres, town lots in Louisville, and twenty-six slaves by 1800.[4] Since there were no schools on the Kentucky frontier, Taylor had only a basic education growing up, provided by tutors his father hired from time to time.[2] He was reportedly a poor student; his handwriting, spelling, and grammar were described as "crude and unrefined throughout his life."[4] When Taylor was younger, he wanted to join the military.[4] On May 3, 1808, Taylor joined the U.S. Army, receiving a commission as a first lieutenant of the Seventh Infantry Regiment from his cousin James Madison. He was ordered west into Indiana Territory, and was promoted to captain in November 1810. He assumed command of Fort Knox when the commandant fled, and maintained command until 1814.[6] During the War of 1812, Taylor successfully defended Fort Harrison in Indiana Territory, from an attack by Native Americans under the command of Shawnee chief Tecumseh.[2] As a result, Taylor was promoted to the temporary rank of major,[2] and led the 7th Infantry in a campaign ending in Spur's Defeat. Taylor was also commander of the short-lived Fort Johnson (1814), the last toehold of the U.S. Army in the upper Mississippi River Valley until it was abandoned[7] and Taylor's troops retreated to Fort Cap au Gris. Reduced to the rank of captain when the war ended in 1814, he resigned from the army, but reentered it after he was commissioned again as a major a year later.[2] In 1819, he was given the rank of lieutenant colonel, and made a full colonel in 1832.[2] Taylor led the 1st Infantry Regiment in the Black Hawk War of 1832, personally accepting the surrender of Chief Black Hawk.[2] In 1837, he was directed to Florida, where he defeated the Seminole Indians on Christmas Day, and afterwards was promoted to brigadier general and given command of all American troops in Florida.[2] He was made commander of the southern division of the United States Army in 1841.[2] In 1845, Texas became a U.S. state, and President James K. Polk directed Taylor to deploy into disputed territory on the Texas-Mexico border,[4] under the order to defend the state against any attempts by Mexico to take it back after it had lost control by 1836.[2] Taylor was given command of American troops on the Rio Grande.[8] When some of Taylor's men were attacked by Mexican forces near the river, Polk told Congress in May 1846 that a war between Mexico and the United States had started by an act of the former.[4] That same month, Taylor commanded American forces at the Battle of Palo Alto, using superior artillery to defeat the significantly larger Mexican opposition.[4] In September, Taylor was able to inflict heavy casualties upon the Mexican defenders at the Battle of Monterrey.[4] The city of Monterrey was considered "un-destroyable".[4] He was criticized for not ensuring the Mexican army that surrendered at Monterrey disbanded.[4] Afterwards, half of Taylor's army was ordered to join General Winfield Scott's soldiers as they besieged Veracruz.[4] Mexican General Antonio López de Santa Anna discovered that Taylor had only 6,000 men, through a letter written by Scott to Taylor that had been intercepted by the Mexicans, many of whom were not regular army soldiers, and resolved to defeat him.[4] Santa Anna attacked Taylor with 20,000 men at the Battle of Buena Vista in February 1847, inflicting 672 American casualties at a cost of 1,800 Mexican.[4] As a result, Santa Anna left the field of battle.[4] Buena Vista turned Taylor into a hero, and he was compared to George Washington and Andrew Jackson in the American popular press.[4] Stories were reportedly told about "his informal dress, the tattered straw hat on his head, and the casual way he always sat on top of his beloved horse, "Old Whitey," while shots buzzed around his head".[4] In his capacity as a career officer, Taylor had never reportedly revealed his political beliefs before 1848, nor voted before that time.[9] He thought of himself as an independent, believing in a strong and sound banking system for the country, and thought that Andrew Jackson should not have allowed the Second Bank of the United States to collapse in 1836.[9] He believed it was impractical to talk about expanding slavery into the western areas of the United States, as he concluded that neither cotton nor sugar (both were produced in great quantities as a result of slavery) could be easily grown there through a plantation economy.[9] He was also a firm nationalist, and due to his experience of seeing many people die as a result of warfare, he believed that secession was not a good way to resolve national problems.[9] Taylor, although he did not agree with their stand on protective tariffs and expensive internal improvements, aligned himself with Whig Party governing policies; the President should not be able to veto a law, unless that law was against the Constitution of the United States; that the office should not interfere with Congress, and that the power of collective decision-making, as well as the Cabinet, should be strong.[9] After the American victory at Buena Vista, "Old Rough and Ready" political clubs were formed which supported Taylor for President, although no one knew for sure what his political beliefs were.[9] Taylor declared, as the 1848 Whig Party convention approached, that he had always been a Whig in principle, but he did consider himself a Jeffersonian-Democrat.[9] Many southerners believed that Taylor supported slavery, and its expansion into the new territory absorbed from Mexico, and some were angered when Taylor suggested that if he were elected President he would not veto the Wilmot Proviso, which proposed against such an expansion.[9] This position did not enhance his support from activist antislavery elements in the Northern United States, as these wanted Taylor to speak out strongly against the Proviso.[9] Most abolitionists did not support Taylor, since he was a slave-owner.[9] Many southerners also held that Taylor supported states' rights, and was opposed to protective tariffs and government spending for internal improvements.[9] The Whigs hoped that he put the federal union of the United States above all else.[9] Taylor received the Whig nomination for President in 1848. Millard Fillmore of Cayuga County, New York was chosen as the Vice Presidential nominee. His homespun ways and his status as a war hero were political assets. Taylor defeated Lewis Cass, the Democratic candidate, and Martin Van Buren, the Free Soil candidate. Taylor was the last southerner to be elected president until Woodrow Wilson, as Andrew Johnson became president through succession. Taylor ignored the Whig platform, as historian Michael Holt explains: Although Taylor had subscribed to Whig principles of legislative leadership, he was not inclined to be a puppet of Whig leaders in Congress. He ran his administration in the same rule-of-thumb fashion with which he had fought Native Americans. Under Taylor's administration, the United States Department of the Interior was organized, although the legislation authorizing the Department had been approved on President Polk's last day in office. He appointed former Treasury Secretary Thomas Ewing the first Secretary of the Interior. By the time Taylor became President, the issue of slavery in the western territories of the United States had come to dominate American political discourse, and debate between extreme pro and antislavery viewpoints had become very pronounced.[11] In 1849, he advised the residents of California, including the Mormons around Salt Lake, and the residents of New Mexico to create state constitutions and apply for statehood in December when Congress met.[11] He correctly predicted that these constitutions would state against slavery in California and New Mexico.[11] In December, and January 1850, Taylor told Congress that it should allow them to become states, once their constitutions arrived in Washington D.C.[11] He also urged that there should not be an attempt to develop territorial governments for the two future states, since that might increase tension between pro and antislavery activists regarding a congressional prohibition of slavery in the territories.[11] Taylor and his Secretary of State, John M. Clayton, lacked much experience in foreign affairs before Taylor assumed the presidency, and Taylor was not directly involved in diplomacy or the development of American foreign policies.[12] Taylor's administration attempted to stop a filibustering expedition against Cuba, argued with France and Portugal over reparation disputes, and supported German liberals during the revolutions of 1848.[12] The administration confronted Spain, which had arrested several Americans on the charge of piracy, and assisted the United Kingdom's search for a team of British explorers who had gotten lost in the Arctic.[12] The United States had planned to construct a canal across Nicaragua, but the British opposed the idea, arguing that they held a special status in neighboring Honduras.[12] In what was described by one source as Taylor's "most important foreign policy move", delicate negotiations were performed with Britain, and a "landmark agreement" was reached called the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.[12] Both Britain and the United States agreed not to claim control of any canal that might be built in Nicaragua.[12] The treaty is considered to have been an important step in the development of an Anglo-American alliance, and "effectively weakened U.S. commitment to Manifest Destiny as a formal policy while recognizing the supremacy of U.S. interests in Central America".[12] The creation of the treaty was Taylor's last act of state.[12]